Distribution system, as a system closely concerned with the interests of the people, is related to the realization of common prosperity, the original aspiration of the transformation of the distribution system initially adopted by the Communist Party of China. To fulfill this historic mission, the CPC, over the past century, for meeting the people's interests and realize common prosperity for all, is, and has always been adhering to the guidance of Marxist distribution system theory, taking the logical starting point of eliminating the old distribution system that resulted in exploitation; the reform practices, starting from the establishing the distribution system according to performance with public ownership as the basis, followed by a revision that allowed multiple forms of distribution after serious debates on how to ensure, to the largest extent, fairness and efficiency, and at length shifting to improve the system and mechanism that allows some people to create wealth as a first step to bringing prosperity for all, all bear profound theoretical logic and uphold fast the concept of putting people first. A new journey to achieve the goal of common prosperity for all the people urges us to constantly improve the socialist distribution system with Chinese characteristics led by the concept of putting people first, thus a sharing of fruits yielded by social development. The distribution system whereby distribution according to labor is dominant and a variety of other modes of distribution exist alongside it, while serving an essential part of the basic economic system of socialism with Chinese characteristics, has provided, for its coordinating well the primary, the secondary, and the third distributions, a basic institutional arrangement for meeting the people's interests and promoting the modernization of common prosperity.

Institution advantages and governance efficiency, while standing on their own to some extent, bear close connection. To be more specific, the former plays a decisive role in shaping the latter, i.e. institution determines policy choice and governance behavior; governance efficiency is achieved through the effective operation of the system and expressed externally by the advantages of the system; institutional advantages enhance governance efficiency, and the latter in turn highlights the former. Governance efficiency, in the context of the new era, has been loaded with systematic Chinese characteristics and era connotation. That is to say, the final goal lies in our more emphasis on the people's sense of gain; the path direction relies on our pursuit of high-quality development; the value purpose falls on more negative social effects. This paper, based on our comparing and analyzing the practice cases of China and foreign countries in fighting against the COVID-19 pandemic, tells how China's institutional advantages are better transformed into governance efficiency, that is, the Party's leadership is the fundamental guarantee, and people-centered concept is the mass basis, our practice of bringing together the needed resources to accomplish great tasks is the best presentation.

The urban-rural social form, shaped by the integrated development of both sides, has presented new challenge, for its governance spans two separate areas, to rural governance. The involution of rural governance featured with intensive interests, has come out, in the era of urban-rural integration for a failure to transform the governance resources into the primary-level governance capacity as rural governance relies heavily on the traditional way of resource investment. To this problem, the practice of P County provides a good solution: departmental coordination and resource integration are carried out to enhance the ability of local overall management, thus optimizing rural governance and realizing a pattern of urban-rural co-governance through “the combination of autonomy, rule of law and rule of virtue under the CPC leadership”.

Special attention should be paid, to achieve the strategic goal of rural revitalization, to the problem of public service failure in suburban villages of mega-cities due to the inflow of migrants as there lies between them the institutional distance resulted from an unclear geographical boundary, coupled with gaps in system, resource and culture in their respective geographical spaces. A fine grasp of this distance provides a cognitive perspective for analyzing the mechanism and internal logic of such a failure. The government's “extending public services” and “Channeling the administrative power down to the community level”, the study reveals, are the institutional motivation of the lack of public services and the alienation of functions in suburban villages; the administrative allocation of land resources has weakened the economic foundation for the autonomous supply of public services; local governments' preference to economic development, urban development and household population, all render suburban villages blind areas of fiscal expenditure; village cultural community has led to the an attitude of exclusion towards intruding culture, interests and politics, reflecting the lack of cultural modernity and publicity in the villages. To cope with such a dilemma, the paper concludes, local governments should bring the migrants into the public service system, establish a shared mechanism of co-governance for migrants' participation in village community governance, and strengthen the construction of village culture so as to build up a shared village culture with openness, inclusiveness, diversity as the genes.

To promote the strategy of rural revitalization, legal and orderly pilot reform weighs too much. This paper, through the analysis of 392 illegal cases in the pilot reform of rural policies, finds that the relevant offenses are mainly committed by the primary level heads who act the hub intermediary role in the pilot process; some offenses involve in the group who takes the leading role in the practice, an phenomenon which stands out for the power rent-seeking for private interests has resulted in the infringement of state property and others' interests, hence a serious impact on the pilot practice and the realization of its objectives. The punishment, however, weighs less when comparing with the malignant results thus produced, and the impact is not fully connected with the results, thus shadowing the particularity of the harm. The root lies in the “hub disengaging”, that is, the grass-roots heads, for their own benefits, do not well perform the hub function to knot the high-level governments with the primary-level ordinaries; instead they intercept the pilot resources and eliminate the pilot needs in various ways, thus resulting in a failure of the pilot project. To prevent the outbreak of illegal risks in the pilot reform, the key lies in the back embedding of pilot power so as to construct a standardized path of pilot power restriction.

Rural industrial revitalization in poverty-stricken areas has fallen into a dilemma in balancing policy support which, on the one hand should be strengthened in considering the weak industrial base, but on the other, easily dispels the endogenous motivation once not given improperly. Such a hard nut renders what kind of policy tools should be adopted an issue worthwhile to be discussed in depth. This paper, through policy text analysis and case study, finds that 1) China's practice in promoting rural industry revitalization in poverty-stricken areas exhibits the logic of “adaptive endeavor”. In other words, a “policy toolbox” featured with inclusiveness that aims at activating various elements has been created in policy design, and a practice of selecting and combining policy tools according to problem situations and tool attributes has been formed in practice, thus exerting the systematic driving effect of policy tools. As “adaptive endeavor” works under some conditions, to promote the revitalization of rural industries in poverty-stricken areas, the governments concerned, with such a logic, should strengthen their capacity for governance, and scientifically grasp the internal and external environment and mission objectives of rural industrial development, and render the design and use of policy tools more inclusive, restrained, targeted, integrated and developed.

China's sports development system bears strong particularity and timeliness, i.e. as for China's sports social organizations, at this stage, in their development, gradually is found a new relationship with the government. In the mode of co-production, the government no longer plays the traditional administrative role, acting by the book; instead, it, together with the market and social organizations, bearing flexibility and taking into account efficiency and fairness, creates public value, mutual benefits and common development. The government should relax restrictions on the development of sports social organizations, i.e. to free up more space, so as to render them good assistants of the government in providing better and more responsive sports public services; we should strive to decouple sports social organizations from the government, and shift the focus of sports governance to primary-level social organizations. Meanwhile, sports social organizations, viewed from the perspective of co-production theory, can serve as a channel to orderly transport the human, material and financial resources lacking in competitive sports and market sports so as to promote various sports fields to go hand in hand and exchange needs, thus establishing a modern and efficient sports governance system. Therefore, the perspective of co-production provides a useful analytical framework under which sports social organizations can be treated as a bridge to realize the circulation of social resources, a channel well solving the problem of separation of various affairs in China's sports development, thereby building a sports power and achieving national fitness.

China, in response to the severe climate problem, proposed the environmental political discourse of “carbon peak” and “carbon neutrality” in 2020. However, in climate governance, the “Jevons paradox” illustrates the inability of relying solely on technological progress to achieve energy saving and emission reduction for the whole society. A new perspective, of social governance, is thus introduced in analyzing the logic of China's “carbon neutrality”. The two-way driving logic of “hard embedding” and “soft embedding” of social governance has greatly improved the political opportunity structure for the realization of “carbon neutrality” policy issues, i.e. it may shorten the time span of the process, thus providing China's resolution to the “Jevons' paradox” long standing in capitalist countries. To break the bad interaction between capital and technology drawn from the “Jevons paradox”, we must further regulate both the “hard” and the “soft” institutional supplies, enhance the “carbon neutrality” governance in the rule of law and intelligence, and improve the consultative democratic mechanism, so as to realize the comprehensive green transformation based on “carbon neutrality”.

Group anxiety of parents, in the context of carrying on “double reduction” policy, has gradually become a heated social problem that cannot be ignored. As a social group, parents are greatly concerned about whether their children can climb up into upper classes through education, while social training institutions, by hyping and taking full advantage of such anxiety, make profits. Anxiety of such leads to the flow of a large number of family capital, in particular from middle-class parents, to private teachers and training institutions. There even has come out a vicious circle that the more capital is spent, the more anxious there parents are. However, the relief of parents' anxiety can not rely on parents' reducing voluntarily their spending on children's education. Instead, parents need help to establish a scientific concept education, and national college entrance examination (Chinese Gaokao) should be reformed in what is to be tested so that testing skills learned from training institutions do not work any more. Parents will, only in this way, actively reduce the investment and alleviate their anxiety.

The cultivation of innovative talents has long been a national strategy and a mission of education. In its practice, however, lay ahead a dual challenges from the incomplete connection of learning segments and uncoordinated reform measures. With such a context, a systematic reform, bound to be the ultimate goal of “double reduction”, provides an unprecedented opportunity for cultivating innovative talents as it not only arouses deep thinking on talent cultivation in basic education, but also promotes the positive change of optimization of educational ecology. We should, if “double reduction” is employed, provide solid support from classroom teaching, after-school service and homework practice so as to cultivate more talents in the stage of basic education.

The academic burden arises in the school education time. To be more specific, it arising is related to the following problems in governance of school education time: the deprivation of the time subject of teachers and students; the extreme compression of students' free time and space; the ignorance of the meaning of current time; and the priority of an efficient teaching and learning culture. The governments' efforts to reduce burden are reduced to be in vain. Such a situation is resulted not only from the lack of synchronization between the burden reduction time at one end and social and school education time at the other, but also from the neglect of “humanity” and simply equating burden reduction with time reduction. To break the chain, it is necessary to deal with the pace of burden reduction and advancement, promote the appearance of “humanity” and adjust time management methods, so as to eliminate tension, pressure and anxiety in education, thus creating an education time atmosphere full of tension and vitality.

The Biden administration's economic policies focus on responding to the COVID-19 pandemic and promoting economic recovery, defending the leading role of the United States, and employing the Green New Deal to address climate change. In making policies, the administration takes the US macroeconomic trend, internal and external imbalance, and the hegemony of the US dollar as the important basis. President Biden, from the Establishment, has focused on restoring US leadership in the global trading system and tried to re-dominate the global governance system; the administration has attempted to build a new trade regime to protect American labor interests, repair the excesses trade policy of the previous administration, and strive to promote alliance cooperation. The trade policies continue to serve the security of American supply chain, but the tendency of politicization is increasing; America's trade policies towards China, as it regards China as the biggest opponent, are dominated by politicization and “national security”. China, in such a context, should be well aware that the China-US game is, and has always been a long-term and severe issue, strive to expand the complementary fields of China-US economy and trade, hedge the external impact of the United States by promoting China's reform and opening up, and speed up the construction of the new development paradigm featuring dual circulation.