广西师范大学学报(哲学社会科学版) ›› 2020, Vol. 56 ›› Issue (6): 86-102.doi: 10.16088/j.issn.1001-6597.2020.06.008

• 政治、法律与社会 • 上一篇    下一篇

环境冲突与地方政府的协商民主制度化:基于省际听证文件数的实证研究

吴进进1,2   

  1. 1.中国社会科学院财经战略研究院,北京 100732;
    2.深圳大学管理学院公共管理系,广东 深圳 518061
  • 收稿日期:2020-05-26 出版日期:2020-11-25 发布日期:2020-12-01
  • 作者简介:吴进进(1987-),男,安徽枞阳人,深圳大学管理学院助理教授,硕士生导师。
  • 基金资助:
    2019年度国家自然科学基金项目“我国地方财政结余对财政支出周期性影响及其机制研究”(71904130);中国博士后科学基金第62批面上资助项目“我国财政结转结余资金成因与机制分析”(2017M621004)

Environmental Conflicts and the Institutionalization of Consultative Democracy of Local Governments: An Empirical Study Based on the Number of Inter-Provincial Hearing Documents

WU Jin-jin   

  1. 1. National Academy of Economic Strategy,CASS,Beijing 100732;
    2. College of Management,Shenzhen University,Shenzhen 518061,China
  • Received:2020-05-26 Online:2020-11-25 Published:2020-12-01

摘要: 随着环境污染问题的加剧,环境信访数量也迅速增长,中国社会进入环境冲突的高发期。以听证文件作为协商民主制度化的代理指标,发现环境来访对听证文件数有显著的积极作用,每百万人口增加10人次来访,听证文件就会增加约0.4件,但是环境信件数对听证文件数的影响不显著。相比大气污染信访,水污染信访对听证文件数的影响更为明显,每百万人口增加1件水污染信件会使地方政府多制定约0.1件听证文件,水污染来访的影响也远远大于大气污染来访。信访机制有利于政府决策部门及时掌握社会冲突信息,进行社会风险预警,有效地推动政府完善协商民主制度以应对社会冲突。

关键词: 环境冲突, 环境污染, 环境信访, 地方政府, 协商民主制度化, 听证文件

Abstract: With the aggravation of environmental pollution,the number of environmental petition letters has been also growing rapidly,a situation that pushed China to enter a period of high incidence of environmental conflicts.This paper,taking the hearing documents as the proxy index of consultative democracy institutionalization,finds 1) environmental petition visit bears a significant positive effect on the number of hearing documents,a fact told by a growth of 0.4 cases for an increase of 10 petition visits per million people;2) the number of petition letters bears no significant impact on that of hearing documents.The findings add 1) compared with the air pollution petition,the impact of water pollution petition on the number of hearing documents is more obvious,a truth verified by local governments'drawing up 0.1 more document for one more letter per million people;2) the impact of water pollution visits is far greater than that of air pollution visits.This study shows that petition mechanism is conducive for the decision-making departments to timely grasp the social conflict information so as to carry out early warning,thus improving the consultative democracy system for better dealing with social conflicts.

Key words: environmental Conflict, environmental pollution, environmental petition, local government, institutionalization of consultation democracy, hearing documents

中图分类号: 

  • D035.5
[1] 世卫组织公布世界污染最重20个城市 中国占16席[EB/OL].(2006-10-08)[2020-05-20].http://www.china.com.cn/news/txt/2006-10/08/content_7219756.htm.
[2] Rootes C.Environmental movements:local,national and global[M].Routledge,2014.
[3] Amenta E,Halfmann D,Young M P.The strategies and contexts of social protest:political mediation and the impact of the townsend movement in california[M].Mobilization,1999,4(1):1-23.
[4] Andrews K T.Social movements and policy implementation:the mississippi civil rights movement and the war on poverty,1965 to 1971[J].American Sociological Review,2001,66(1):71-95.
[5] Amenta E,Halfmann D,Young M.Movement organizations,synergistic tactics and environmental public policy[J].Social Forces,2010,88(5):2267-2292.
[6] Olzak S,Soule S.Cross-cutting influences of environmental protest and legislation[J].Social Forces,2009,88(1):201-225.
[7] Olzak S,Soule S,Marion C,Munoz J.“Friends or foes? the impact of political allies and social movement activity on environmental legislation in congress”[EB/OL](2013-12-13)[2020-06-01].https://ssrn.m/abstract=2384197.
[8] Vasseur M.Incentives or mandates? determinants of the renewable energy policies of U.S.States,1970-2012[J].Social Problems,2016,63(2):284-301.
[9] Longhofer W,Schofer E,Miric N,Frank D J.NGOs,INGOs,and environmental policy reform,1970–2010[J].Social Forces,2016,94(4):1743-1768.
[10] 李子豪.公众参与对地方政府环境治理的影响——2003-2013年省际数据的实证分析[J].中国行政管理,2017(8):102-108.
[11] 吴建南,徐萌萌,马艺源.环保考核、公众参与和治理效果:来自31个省级行政区的证据[J].中国行政管理,2016(9):75-81.
[12] 曾婧婧,胡锦绣.中国公众环境参与的影响因子研究——基于中国省级面板数据的实证分析[J].中国人口·资源与环境,2015(12):62-69.
[13] Truex R.Consultative authoritarianism and its limits[J].Comparative Political Studies,2014,50(3):329-361.
[14] Fishkin J S,He B,Luskin R C,Siu A.Deliberative democracy in an unlikely place:deliberative polling in China[J].British Journal of Political Science,2010,40(2):435-448.
[15] Herbert B.Social movement and social order[M]//Lyman S.Social movements:critiques,concepts,case.New York:NYU Press,1995.
[16] Mouzelis N.Back to sociological theory:the construction of social orders[M].Springer,2016.
[17] Bernstein T,Lü X.Taxation without representation:peasants,the central and the local states in reform china[J].The China Quarterly,2000,163:742–763.
[18] Chen F,Kang Y.Disorganized popular contention and local institutional building in China:a case study in Guangdong[J].Journal of Contemporary China,2016,25(100):596-612.
[19] Chen X.Social protest and contentious authoritarianism in China [M].Cambridge University Press,2012.
[20] Wang Y.Empowering the police:how The Chinese Communist Party manages its coercive laders[J].China Quarterly,2014,219:625-648.
[21] Shambaugh D.China’s Communist Party:atrophy and adaptation[M].University of California Press,2008.
[22] Benney J.Weiwen at the Grassroots:China’s stability maintenance apparatus as a means of conflict resolution[J].Journal of Contemporary China,2016,25(99):389-405.
[23] Lee C K,Zhang Y.The power of instability:unraveling the microfoundations of bargained authoritarianism in China[J].American Journal of Sociology,2013,118(6):1475-1508.
[24] He B.China’s responses to the arab uprisings[C]//Saikal A &Amitav A.Democracy and reform in the Middle East and Asia:social protest and authoritarian rule after the Arab Spring[M].IB Tauris,2014.
[25] Cai Y.Local governments and the Suppression of popular resistance in China[J].The China Quarterly,2008,193:24-42.
[26] He B,Warren M.Authoritarian deliberation:the deliberative turn in chinese political development[J].Perspectives on Politics,2011,9(2):269-289.
[27] 何包钢.协商民主:理论、方法和实践[M].北京:中国社会科学出版社,2008.
[28] 何包钢.协商民主和协商治理:建构一个理性且成熟的公民社会[J].开放时代,2012(4):23-36.
[29] 蔡峰.论中国语境下协商民主的功能与空间——基于工资集体协商的温岭“实验场景”[J].公共管理学报,2009(6):25-30.
[30] 何包钢,吴进进.公共协商的政治合法性功能——基于连氏市民公共服务满意度调查[J].浙江社会科学,2016(9):26-38.
[31] Chen J,Pan J,Xu Y.Sources of authoritarian responsiveness:a field experiment in China[J].American Journal of Political Science,2016,60(2):383-400.
[32] 孟天广,李锋.网络空间的政治互动:公民诉求与政府回应性——基于全国性网络问政平台的大数据分析[J].清华大学学报(哲学社会科学版),2015(3):17-29.
[33] Kingdon J W,Thurber J A.Agendas,alternatives,and Public policies[M].Boston:Little,Brown,1984.
[34] 田艳芳.财政分权、政治晋升与环境冲突——基于省级空间面板数据的实证检验[J].华中科技大学学报(社会科学版),2015(4):86-95.
[35] 徐瑞春,周建军,王正波.怒江水电开发与环境保护[J].三峡大学学报(自然科学版),2007(1):1-6.
[36] 阿苏卫项目环评审批召开听证 拟建生活垃圾焚烧厂[EB/OL].(2015-04-24)[2020-07-04].http://bj.people.com.cn/n/2015/0424/c82840-24614351.html.
[37] 国内首个环保信访听证会听民声化矛盾[EB/OL].(2006-08-10)[2020-07-04].http://www.china.com.cn/environment/txt/2006-08/10/content_7068783.htm.
[38] 国务院.信访条例[EB/OL].(2015-01-18)[2020-06-10].http://www.gjxfj.gov.cn/2005-01/18/content_3583093.htm.
[39] 国家信访局.国家信访局关于进一步规范信访事项受理办理程序引导来访人依法逐级走访的办法[EB/OL].(2014-04-24)[2020-06-15].http://www.gjxfj.gov.cn/2014-04/24/c_133321715.htm.
[40] 马本,张莉,郑新亚.收入水平、污染密度与公众环境质量需求[J].世界经济,2017(9):147-171.
[41] Huang Y,Liu L.Fighting corruption:a long-standing challenge for environmental regulation in China[J].Environmental Development,2014,12:47-49.
[42] Lorentzen P,Landry P,Yasuda J.Undermining authoritarian innovation:the power of China’s industrial giants[J].The Journal of Politics,2013,76(1):182-194.
[43] Flynn R,Bellaby P,Ricci M.Environmental citizenship and public attitudes to hydrogen energy technologies[J].Environmental Politics,2008,17(5):766-783.
[44] Fredriksson P G,List J A,Millimet D L.Bureaucratic corruption,environmental policy and Inbound US FDI:theory and evidence[J].Journal of Public Economics,2003,87(7/8):1407-1430.
[45] 冯仕政.国家政权建设与新中国信访制度的形成及演变[J].社会学研究,2012(4):25-47.
[46] 王浦劬,龚宏龄.行政信访影响公共政策的作用机制分析[J].中国行政管理,2012(7):12-22.
[1] 陈科霖. “应急管理碎片化”的成因及其消解——基于常规与应急两种治理机制的比较分析[J]. 广西师范大学学报(哲学社会科学版), 2020, 56(6): 45-58.
[2] 周天芸. 产能过剩、地方政府干预与商业银行不良贷款——基于省际面板数据的实证[J]. 广西师范大学学报(哲学社会科学版), 2020, 56(6): 146-162.
[3] 李文军. 城乡居民基础养老金调整与财政负担测算研究:2016-2050[J]. 广西师范大学学报(哲学社会科学版), 2018, 54(1): 35-42.
Viewed
Full text


Abstract

Cited

  Shared   
  Discussed   
[1] 王雨辰. 我国国外马克思主义研究存在的问题与反思[J]. 广西师范大学学报(哲学社会科学版), 2020, 56(4): 1 -9 .
[2] 贺东航, 贾秀飞. 作为中国特色学术话语的“政治势能”——贺东航教授访谈录[J]. 广西师范大学学报(哲学社会科学版), 2020, 56(4): 10 -18 .
[3] 韩喜平. 中国农村发展难题的马克思主义理论解答[J]. 广西师范大学学报(哲学社会科学版), 2020, 56(6): 1 -6 .
[4] 张克俊, 付宗平, 李雪. 全面脱贫与乡村振兴的有效衔接——基于政策关系二重性的分析[J]. 广西师范大学学报(哲学社会科学版), 2020, 56(6): 7 -20 .
[5] 熊易寒. 用户友好型政府:互联网如何重塑国家与社会关系[J]. 广西师范大学学报(哲学社会科学版), 2020, 56(6): 21 -32 .
[6] 杨雪锋, 谢凌. 论环境邻避风险韧性治理[J]. 广西师范大学学报(哲学社会科学版), 2020, 56(6): 33 -44 .
[7] 陈科霖. “应急管理碎片化”的成因及其消解——基于常规与应急两种治理机制的比较分析[J]. 广西师范大学学报(哲学社会科学版), 2020, 56(6): 45 -58 .
[8] 冉昊. 生态危机与生态治理:基于中西制度差异的比较分析[J]. 广西师范大学学报(哲学社会科学版), 2020, 56(6): 59 -69 .
[9] 冯朝睿, 张叶菁. 区块链技术驱动社会治理信息系统功能优化——基于社会治理信息系统的多案例研究[J]. 广西师范大学学报(哲学社会科学版), 2020, 56(6): 70 -85 .
[10] 贾根良. 国内大循环为主体的双循环与中西部大开发[J]. 广西师范大学学报(哲学社会科学版), 2020, 56(6): 103 -113 .
版权所有 © 广西师范大学学报(哲学社会科学版)编辑部
地址:广西桂林市三里店育才路15号 邮编:541004
电话:0773-5857325 E-mail: xbgj@mailbox.gxnu.edu.cn
本系统由北京玛格泰克科技发展有限公司设计开发